When the Streets Speak: Nepal’s Youthquake
In the climax of the Bollywood movie Rang De Basanti, a handful of disillusioned young people seize a radio station and galvanise the nation against corrupt politicians, ending in martyrdom but inspiring millions. In another Bollywood movie, Nayak, an ordinary citizen becomes chief minister for a day and succeeds where rooted elites fail. Several of the Bollywood movies depict a generation’s rebellion against criminalised politics. Bollywood has long romanticised the moment when the masses, fed up with venal rulers, rise in spontaneous fury and deliver justice with their own hands.
We saw something similar in the streets of Kathmandu last week; life is imitating art with a far more tragic script. Last week, Nepal, known for earthquakes, saw a youthquake. Nepal’s parliament building was set ablaze after demonstrations spiralled out of control, where 50 protestors died. Nepal’s Prime Minister resigned. Violence spread like wildfire. Several politicians were chased and attacked, and their properties were damaged. Some of the business houses close to the government were set on fire by angry crowds. Families of the ministers were also not spared. The wife of a former prime minister died of burn injuries after their home was set on fire. For Nepal, still fragile after years of civil war and the fall of the monarchy, the unrest shows a country on the edge. The army has stepped in to take control, restore order, and fill the gap left by the political vacuum. Soldiers have been patrolling the capital since Wednesday. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki was sworn in on Friday as Nepal’s interim prime minister.
The trigger for the spontaneous violence was the government’s sudden ban on social media applications. The administration justified the ban as a measure to curb hate and misinformation. It was a surprise move for the young generation, now heavily dependent on technology and internet. For Nepal’s digitally savvy Generation Z, this led to a spontaneous reaction, as if it were something crammed out of their daily life. Perhaps it was the last straw. Anger that had been simmering for years over corruption, cronyism, and endless power struggles spill into the streets. In the past five years alone, Kathmandu has cycled through multiple unstable coalition governments, each promising reform but delivering little. The youth, who see their futures undersized by unemployment and misgovernance, demanded new leaders untarnished by scandal.
The images from Nepal, smoke billowing above the charred parliament, mobs dragging politicians out of cars are not isolated. They form part of a growing pattern across Asia that bears resemblance to the Arab Spring of a decade ago. Then, the self-immolation of a Tunisian street vendor ignited protests that toppled governments from Egypt to Libya. Today, a chain reaction of youth-led uprisings is sweeping South Asia, each fuelled by public disgust at political elites.
It all started in Sri Lanka in the year 2022, which suffered post-COVID economic freefall. Angry citizens, mostly youth stormed the presidential palace in Colombo, taking selfies in the swimming pool as President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country. A political dynasty that had seemed unassailable was swept aside by street power.
In 2023, the arrest of former Prime Minister Imran Khan set off major unrest in Pakistan. Violence continues for days together. Youth, for the first time, dared to raise their voice against their elite army. Protesters stormed the army’s headquarters in Rawalpindi, an act once thought impossible. The military soon regained control, but its image of being untouchable was shaken. Today, Pakistan faces political uncertainty, and its leaders often face anger from the public, even when travelling overseas.
Bangladesh soon followed. In 2024, students poured onto the streets against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s increasingly authoritarian rule. Government buildings were ransacked, forcing her sudden departure into exile. Even after her exit, student-led protests refused to subside, reflecting deeper resentment against dynastic, exclusionary politics.
In 2025, Nepal joined the list, its crisis triggered not by bankruptcy or arrests but by an attempt to silence dissent. In each case, the pattern is strikingly similar: youthful protesters leveraging digital tools, rejecting tired political classes, and refusing to accept the old rules of compromise with corruption.
The discontent is not confined to South Asia. Across East Asia, too, mass movements have shaken entrenched orders. The images of millions of people in Hong Kong in the 2019 protests against Beijing’s growing dictatorial rule are not forgotten. In Thailand, young activists called for limits on royal power and a more democratic constitution, breaking long-held taboos. Myanmar again our next-door neighbour to North East States and window to our Look East policy, continues to reel under violence. It was after the 2021 coup; young people led a nationwide and bloody resistance against military rule. Each episode has its own context, yet all spring from a common source: a generation no longer willing to tolerate corruption, nepotism, or authoritarianism. Social media, while often restricted, provides both the tools for mobilisation and the symbols of freedom. When governments seek to curtail it, as Nepal did, the backlash is swift and fierce.
Amid this turbulence, India continues to stands out as strong pillar of democracy. India continues to grow economically as one of the world’s fastest growing country. it attracts record foreign investment, and its largest democratic institutions, though sometimes noisy and imperfect but that is the beauty of democracy. The world sees India as a future emerging power and equally trusts India. India continues hosting summits, mediating in crises, and investing heavily in infrastructure. But geography matters. New Delhi is surrounded by weak governments and countries struggling with political and economic instability.
Some of the countries are neck-deep involved in foreign debts thus allowing international intervention in their respective countries. For example, despite best efforts to bring out Sri Lanka out from the continuing political chaos, its struggle continues. Pakistan fractured by political vendettas is in a deep dark hole, Bangladesh unsettled by student uprisings is going nowhere except more communal hate and withering law and order and now Nepal on the brink of disorder. For India, this fragile neighbourhood is both a burden and a stage. SAARC, that once was seen as a hope for South Asia, continues to remain at the weakest end. Instability threatens regional trade, investment corridors, and security cooperation. Refugee flows, terrorism and cross-border radicalisation are real risks. At the same time, India’s relative stability reinforces its role as the anchor of the region, as an elder brother of the region, the one country capable of shaping outcomes rather than being swept away by them.
This juxtaposition sharpens the lesson. If leaders grow complacent, ignoring corruption, youth unemployment, or creeping authoritarianism, they could face a similar backlash. India’s institutions are resilient but not invincible. The unrest next door serves as both a warning and a reminder of what is at stake. For decades, South Asia’s political elites have thrived on patronage networks, dynastic succession, and an entrenched belief that voters will ultimately choose the lesser evil. But for younger generation, raised in an era of technology, global connectivity and exposed to more accountable governance models abroad, such excuses ring hollow. They see leaders enrich themselves while unemployment remains stubbornly high. They watch as family names, rather than competence, determine who rules. They witness leaders switching alliances overnight to cling to power.
In Nepal, people are angry not only about the ban on Facebook or X, but also about years of broken promises since the monarchy ended in 2008. In Sri Lanka, the unrest was driven not just by the economic crisis, but by decades of corruption and lack of accountability. In Pakistan, frustration runs deeper than Imran Khan’s arrest, it is about the military’s grip the deep state over civilian life. Across these countries, young people are saying they have had enough.
Unlike Bollywood films, real life rarely ends neatly. Crowds can topple governments, but they cannot easily govern. Sri Lanka is still trapped in debt and political instability. Pakistan has grown more polarised. Bangladesh faces a complete power vacuum allowing external interference that goes against their culture and the very cause of their achieving Independence from Pakistan. Nepal now risks sliding into confusion. South Asia is already struggling with inflation, climate shocks, and supply chain disruptions. Investors are unlikely to put money into countries where parliaments burn and leaders flee. Big regional projects, from energy pipelines to digital trade, may also stall.
The warning for South Asia’s rulers is clear: speeches, promises and crackdowns are no longer enough. The new generation wants practical outcome, accountability, and transparency. Many of the young people believe in new young leadership which is more tech friendly and innovative. The Arab Spring showed what happens when such demands are ignored—systems collapse. Today, South Asia’s elites face a choice. They can reform by bringing in younger leaders, tackling corruption, and improving governance. Or they can try to suppress protests, ban social media, and wait for anger to fade. The first option is difficult but lasting. The second risks uncontrolled explosions. But beware of growing trend: from Colombo to Kathmandu, young citizens are challenging the power of political dynasties and the military. Bollywood films often show that when the people rise, the powerful fall. In real life, however, there is no guarantee of a happy ending. For South Asia’s restless youth, the real challenge lies not in toppling corrupt elites but in building something better in their place.
Surinder Singh Oberoi,
National Editor Greater Kashmir