The Left in India
The roots of Leftism in India were not planted in the soil of Indian workers, farmers, or the oppressed. They were imported from Soviet communism and Chinese authoritarianism. This foreign origin created a fundamental contradiction. An ideology that in its own land claims to stand for equality and justice becomes something else entirely when it enters India. Here, it gradually turns into a politics of resentment against democracy, nationalism, Indian identity, and finally, resentment against the very idea of India.
Recent protests at India Gate, in the name of pollution, suddenly turned into support for Naxal sympathisers including those killed in operations by our security forces. This is a deeply troubling trend. Anyone who glorifies armed insurgents and openly attacks our security forces, whether they call themselves “activists,” “students,” or “environmental protesters,” must face strict action under the law.
Freedom of protest does not mean freedom to support violence against India. Naxalism has taken the lives of thousands of soldiers, tribals, school teachers, engineers, and ordinary citizens. It has burned schools, stopped roads, killed development workers, and used poor villagers as shields. Supporting those who wage a war against the nation is not dissent it is betrayal. The Government must deal firmly with such groups. The message must be clear, India will never tolerate anti-security activities hiding behind activism. Whether someone wears a uniform or holds a placard, if they justify armed rebellion against the country, they must be treated as supporters of terrorism.
A democracy has room for debate, for protest, and for criticism but not for those who celebrate the deaths of our soldiers. The time has come to draw a strict line, you cannot stand with India and stand with armed insurgents at the same time
The greatest tragedy of Indian Leftism is not that it fought inequality. Fighting inequality is noble. The tragedy is that it turned the language of opposition into a habit of opposing India itself. Instead of constructive struggle, it embraced intellectual chaos. Instead of championing workers’ rights, it glorified violent revolution. Instead of nurturing a healthy nationalism rooted in dignity and fraternity, it embraced foreign dictatorships as ideological models. A political tool of justice slowly transformed into a network of justification for disorder. Those who have witnessed the brutality of Naxalism understand the reality behind these fancy slogans. Security forces are killed, schools are burned, development projects are blocked, and tribal communities are used as human shields. All this destruction is done in the name of “protecting tribals,” whereas the tribals themselves repeatedly demand roads, schools, healthcare, and opportunities for their children. Naxalism is not a struggle against inequality it is the exploitation of the poor to capture power. The guns in jungles and the intellectual voices in cities form a dangerous partnership: one pulls the trigger, the other writes the justification. One attacks the nation with weapons, the other attacks the nation’s morale through words.
The most revealing contradiction is not that the Left opposes America. Its hatred of capitalism is centuries old. The real question is why does its anti-America sentiment transform into silence or admiration when it comes to China? China is the world’s largest authoritarian factory. It crushes civil liberties, tortures millions of Uyghur Muslims, erases Tibetan culture, censors free speech, and threatens democracies like Taiwan. It has repeatedly violated Indian borders and attacked Indian soldiers. Yet when it comes to China, Indian Leftists suddenly lose their voice. Has there ever been a large-scale Left-backed protest against China’s crimes? Has there been loud condemnation of Uyghur genocide or suppression of Tibet? No. Because for the Indian Left, China is not a foreign aggressor it is the ideological motherland. This is not political disagreement, it is intellectual slavery.
The Left in India projects itself as the champion of dissent. But dissent in democracy is meant to strengthen the nation, not destroy it. The Left nurtures dissent that dreams of breaking the nation into pieces. It gives moral protection to slogans openly calling for India’s destruction. It dismisses the killing of soldiers in the name of “human rights.” It turns universities into battlegrounds of unrest under the banner of “protest.” When violent mobs attack the state, the Left supplies ideological legitimacy. This is not democratic freedom, it is the assassination of democracy through academic language.
The reason Indian Leftists fear nationalism is simple, nationalism unites society. National unity reduces caste conflict, decreases divisive politics, and builds a collective identity. Unity is the graveyard of the Left’s political strategy. Left politics survives only when society is divided by class, by caste, by linguistic and regional identity. A united India leaves no room for ideological chaos. That is why Leftist narratives target the Army, martyrdom, and national security. They are not opposing the Army; they are opposing the idea of India’s military strength. They are not opposing a government; they are opposing the idea of Indian unity. They are not opposing policies; they are opposing Indian self-pride.
Thus, the core question today is not whether Left ideology is right or wrong. The question is whether Indian Leftism stands with India or not. Will it release itself from China’s shadow? Will it stop romanticising violent revolution? Will it stop acting as the moral lawyer for Naxal killings? Can it fight inequality while respecting the nation that gives it the freedom to protest?
Leftism can play a constructive role in India if and only if it puts Indian national interest above imported revolutions. The Left must accept that foreign doctrines cannot be placed above Indian blood. If it continues to justify separatism and violent extremism, then it ceases to be an ideology and becomes a tool for destabilising India. Indian Leftism stands at a historic crossroads. It must choose whether it wants to become a patriotic Left rooted in Indian soil, or remain a distant branch of foreign ideologies. A patriotic Left that values national unity can contribute meaningfully to democracy. But a Left that worships China, glorifies violence, and supports urban separatism has no future in this country.
India can accept Leftism. But India will never accept anti-India Leftism. If the Left learns to put the nation before its ideology, it will have a place in our democracy. But if it continues to put ideology above the nation, then it must hear clearly: this country is not run by theories written in foreign capitals it is run by the will and unity of the Indian people.