Politics of much ado about nothing-III

In the first article by the same title ‘politics of much ado about nothing’ dated January 11th 2024 , I had commented that ‘if our politicians were to count their achievements of the last three years since 2021, post covid, and post their release from preventive custody, there would possibly be little to count. Neither have they been able to enthuse the common people to any visible level of sensitivity towards political issues facing Jammu and Kashmir nor have they been able to get any fresh assurances from Delhi’. In the second article by the same title  dated April 13th 2024, I lamented the inability of the local parties to forge unity to fight the parliamentary elections in alliance to put up a joint front for achievement of their ‘similar political objectives’, viz restoration of statehood and vital constitutional or statutory safeguards relating to land and jobs to compensate partly for loss of special status which J&K was vested with prior to the changes of August 2019. Lack of alliance in the last parliamentary election would have surely deepened fissures and queered the pitch for future cooperation, not a helpful outcome at all.

Now the assembly elections are round the corner and most probably these will be for the UT assembly. From all indications so far it appears the two main local parties will again decide to go it alone on the specious premise that vote transfer on ground does not take place between them in the event of jointly fielded candidates. Accordingly, the mandate is going to be fractured offering on platter the advantage to the opposing parties. This is notwithstanding the fact that both parties are not only part of the Gupkar declaration but also of I.N.D.I.A alliance.

The fractured mandate will in all likelihood leave no option to the winner but to forge a coalition of ‘unlikeminded’ parties thereby putting paid to any hope of even part restoration of what was lost in August 2019, reminiscent of oft played out political subterfuge and yet again taking for granted the gullible public in Jammu and Kashmir. If it pans out like this, then surely the political objectives would have consciously and deliberately been side stepped.

One of the important local parties has already announced initiation of the process to prepare its election manifesto based on people’s aspirations. While the intent to invite inputs from general public and party supporters is laudable, the exercise will look more like a charade if the declared political objectives are either side stepped or made subservient to other non-political and developmental objectives post elections and formation of government.

One redeeming feature pertaining to the forthcoming assembly elections will be the role of the senior national level party (the grand old party) in the I.N.D.I.A alliance, in the pre-election strategy as well as post- election coalition formation. Whether this party will be able to persuade its local partners to fight unitedly under the I.N.D.I.A banner, is something to be seen after the formal announcement of elections in J&K.

Whatever the composition of the new UT government, it will be called upon and expected to tackle many challenges albeit without the commensurate powers and authority. Public order and Police are already out of its control as per the J&K Reorganization Act of 2019. Then under the same Act, it will have to endure discretionary and over ruling authority vested in the LG and the central government in the matters of All India Services, Anti Corruption Bureau and law making. The Act has also vested in the Parliament law making powers over and above the powers of the UT assembly. It is the possibilities of disagreement and locking of horns between the elected government on one hand and the LG and the Centre on the other, that makes the decision to grant statehood ahead of elections an eminently sensible idea. For the students of management and public administration, the powerlessness of the elected UT government will amount to ‘responsibility without authority’ and for the general public it will be  frustrating if the much awaited elected government is unable to deliver on most pressing  issues due to lack of authority and powers. In a recent interview, Dr Karan Singh, the first and only Sadr-e-Riyasat who oversaw the preparation of J&K’s own constitution and was witness to the grant of special status and  all important decisions taken about Jammu and Kashmir during the fifties and up to mid sixties, likened the UT to a glorified Municipal Council and called for immediate restoration of statehood to J&K which he felt, J&K deserved by every measure and criteria.

The central government must therefore seriously consider whether going ahead with elections without statehood makes for a good strategic move in Jammu and Kashmir ? It is one thing to ensure peace under direct central rule but the same may not turn out to be easy with an elected government and soaring public aspirations and expectations. There has been a break of six years since the last elected government and therefore expectations may have accumulated many more times over this long period; another good reason for restoration of statehood to have an empowered government in place.

Whether J&K gets an elected government in the UT or State, among important challenges for politicians will be to adjust to e-office in the secretariat and e-governance in the field. J&K has done well in digitalization over the last five years and there is no way of going back to the old system based on relative opaqueness and fair amount of discretion. For example, there will be no scope for discretion in giving government jobs or even in making temporary arrangements or in release of funds without completion of all requisite procedural formalities online.

Most importantly, the new government will have to take strong steps to ensure protection of natural environment and not do anything that will harm it. Development and Tourism will have to be environmentally sustainable to protect and preserve the famed natural beauty and nature endowed resources of Jammu and Kashmir and to meet the national targets under Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) committed to the UN in respect of India’s reduction of green house gas emissions, increase in the share of renewable energy and plantation for carbon sequestration and creation of carbon sink. Specifically, the new government will have to work hard on protection of water bodies, solid waste management, urban planning and governance, panchayat administration, education and health, skill development, entrepreneurship and job creation. It will also be called upon to maintain the momentum of Modi government’s welfare schemes, strategic infrastructure works, digitalization and investments from outside UT for setting up industry and enterprise. The success in meeting the challenges will depend on how well the elected government is able to cooperate and coordinate with the LG and the central government and how accommodating and understanding the LG and the central government will be towards the newly elected government in Jammu and Kashmir.

(Khurshid Ahmed Ganai is a retired IAS officer of the erstwhile J&K cadre and a former Advisor to Governor, J&K )