On the Brink of Victory
Nambala Keshav Rao, also known as Basavaraju, the general secretary of the banned CPI (Maoist) and the most senior leader in the Naxalite movement, was killed along with 26 others in a major anti-Naxal operation in Narayanpur, Chhattisgarh on May 21. This marks one of the biggest blows to the Naxal leadership in over 30 years. Union Home Minister Amit Shah confirmed the news on X, calling it a “landmark achievement” in fight against Naxalism. He praised the security forces for killing Basavaraju, describing him as the “backbone of the Naxal movement.” “This is the first time in three decades that a leader of this rank has been neutralised,” Amit Shah said. He also highlighted the success of Operation Black Forest, which has so far led to the arrest of 54 Naxalites and the surrender of around hundred others across Chhattisgarh, Telangana, and Maharashtra. Basavaraju, a native of Andhra Pradesh, became the top Maoist leader in 2018 after the death of his predecessor, Ganapathi. Known for planning deadly ambushes on security forces, he was India’s most wanted Naxal leader, with a ₹1 crore plus bounty on his head.
Just days earlier, on May 15, Amit Shah had announced the death of 31 more Maoists in another major operation in the Karreguttalu Hills on the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border. That 21-day campaign involved over 24,000 security personnel and targeted strongholds of key Maoist units like the PLGA Battalion 1 and the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee.
The last few operations with precision, planning, and scale with minimal casualties among security forces, signal a turning point. Areas once under Maoist control are now back under control, and the government aims to fully eliminate Naxalism by March 31, 2026, not just through security measures, but also through development and governance.
More than a decade ago, India’s then-Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, warned that Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) was the single biggest internal security challenge the country faced. That statement, repeated with urgency, captured the grim reality of a violent insurgency that had claimed thousands of lives, primarily in the mineral-rich but underdeveloped “Red Corridor” stretching from Chhattisgarh to Jharkhand and parts of Maharashtra, Odisha, and Andhra Pradesh. Now, after a decade of sustained counterinsurgency operations, infrastructure development, and civic outreach, Home Minister Amit Shah appears poised to declare a historic milestone: a Naxal-free Bharat by March 31, 2026.
What was once a “free zone” completely controlled by Naxals is now fully under government control. The Indian tri-colour now flies on hills that used to be Maoist strongholds, marked by red flags. One of the most symbolic areas reclaimed is Abujhmad in Chhattisgarh’s Narayanpur district. Known for its dense forests and tough terrain, it was once seen as nearly impossible to access and had served as a base for Maoist leaders, hideout, and training camps. Today, the region is undergoing major change. Roads are being built, mobile towers installed, and government offices set up. What was once outside the reach of the state is now being brought into the fold through administration and development.
Since 2014, the Modi government has followed a two-pronged strategy: strong security operations and focused development efforts. This combined approach has shown results. The number of Naxal-affected districts has dropped from 126 in 2014 to just 38 in 2024. By 2025, only a dozen districts remain affected, and just six are considered high-priority areas. Violence has dropped. According to Home Ministry data, incidents of Naxal violence decreased by 53 percent and deaths by 70 percent compared to the UPA-era decade. More critically, the insurgency’s operational depth has been curtailed. Over the last five years, more than 300 Forward Operating Bases (FOBs) have been set up in previously ungoverned forest regions, equipped with helipads, night-landing capabilities, and secure communications. The movement space for insurgents is shrinking, physically and ideologically. The Maoists, too, appear to sense the tide turning. In 2024 alone, more than 880 insurgents surrendered, and the trends continues in 2025, many lured by the government’s rehabilitation schemes that promise financial support, employment, and reintegration into society. Some of the former Maoist are now working with the District Reserve Guard helping troops and the administration, reflecting the power of soft-touch strategy blended with firm resolve.
Development as Deterrence
If security operations have broken the insurgency’s spine, it is development that is eroding its soul. Naxalism, after all, was born in the vacuum of governance and the marginalisation of tribal communities. The promise of land rights, better education, healthcare, and connectivity remained elusive in vast stretches of central India, giving radicals fertile ground for recruitment and propaganda. Now, that narrative is changing. In Chhattisgarh’s Narayanpur district, once a complete no-go zone in the Abujhmad region, we find rapid road construction, electrification, mobile towers, and panchayat offices are gradually turning the tide. A National Highway is under construction that will connect remote villages to towns. Police camps have brought not only security, but also medical facilities, bringing in ambulances, telecommunication towers, bringing in TV and telephone, Aadhaar services, and aspirations. In Bastar alone, 9,000 houses have been built under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Eklavya Model Residential Schools are operational in tribal belts, and under the Jal Jeevan Mission, villages are getting piped drinking water for the first time. Skill development centres and ITIs are offering a ladder out of generational poverty. These are not merely welfare schemes; they are political and psychological victories, making state presence a daily and benign reality and helping the alienated population to return to mainstream politics.
Cracking the Maoist Ecosystem
The government’s counter-Naxal strategy has also smartly targeted the larger ecosystem that sustains the insurgency, its finances, urban sympathisers, and ideological enablers. The government agencies have choked the financial arteries of Naxal operations, while security and intelligence agencies have mounted legal and surveillance offensives against what are often termed “urban Naxals.” The Naxal movement has not only been isolated in the jungles and remote areas, but also in the cities, cutting off its access to financial, ideological, and material support. At least 15 Politburo and Central Committee members have been neutralised since 2014, creating disarray in the chain of command.
A Caution
Despite major gains, a note of caution is need of the hour. While operations like Karreguttalu represent a shift in momentum, remnants of the insurgency are still embedded in districts like Sukma, Gadchiroli, and West Singhbhum. These are regions with difficult terrain, persistent poverty, and a long history of state neglect. Development efforts must not be seen as adjuncts to military operations but as an independent moral right and constitutional obligation. Human rights must be upheld, and tribal voices must be heard not just as beneficiaries of state largesse but as stakeholders where they feel they are being heard and respected as citizens of the country. The surrender policies must be implemented with integrity and follow-through, lest they breed disillusionment among those willing to change. Civil society, in these regions, must be engaged, not excluded, in the national reconciliation effort. In addition, those who have changed the track should be provided both physical and social security. We need to recognise that security and welfare are not binaries but two wings of state legitimacy. The government has set itself a firm deadline: March 31, 2026. This is not merely a date on the calendar but a political commitment to the idea that India can overcome one of its longest-running insurgencies through a calibrated mix of force, welfare, respect and justice. This is chance as suggested by home minister, to end a decades-old insurgency not with the arrogance of victory but with the humility of learning. The fight against Naxalism was never just a military campaign, it was a challenge to the idea breeding amongst the neglected and poor. As the red shadows lifts, the tricolour rises not just on hills but in hearts once lost to fear, neglect, and violence.
Author is National Editor,
Greater Kashmir
