Omar Govt may get more room to breathe
Srinagar, Oct 15: As the Chief Minister Omar Abdullah-led government completes one year in office on Thursday, good news may finally be in store for it with New Delhi likely to concede a “leg room” and a “head room” for it to operate.
According to sources in the North Block, there has been a discussion in the corridors of power in New Delhi that could quietly reshape the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government to rethink its Jammu and Kashmir strategy.
They said that the rethink is aimed at providing a longer rope to the National Conference (NC)-led government so that the CM and his cabinet are able to operate and carry out developmental activities in the region without blaming the “dual structure” of governance.
One of the major issues of discontent in Jammu and Kashmir these days is about how much power the elected government really has against what is held by the bureaucrats, the Police, the Lieutenant Governor (LG), or New Delhi.
In J&K, following the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35-A and bifurcation of the erstwhile State into two union territories – J&K and Ladakh - on August 5, 2019, political actors feel that the elected government, led by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, faces obstacles not just in security or law and order domains but also in day-to-day developmental issues.
They feel that in departments with central oversight or the role of the LG being stronger than the CM, local ministers, or even MLAs, it is hard to get things done for months.
Similar is the fate of health institutions, including Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences (SKIMS), the premier medical institute of J&K, the Information Department, the Departments of Culture, Education, and Agriculture, besides local development, policy, and environmental clearances.
The assertion is that the IAS and JKAS officers, including Deputy Commissioners (DCs) in the 20 districts of J&K, feel more answerable to the LG and central ministries, rather than the CM and the cabinet.
That, in turn, reduces the space for accountability to voters.
According to sources in North Block, “There is a realisation in New Delhi that centralised, bureaucratic control, even when well-intentioned, incurs losers in legitimacy. It is when people feel bypassed, unheard, or made to feel that their rights are promised but not delivered, their demands harden. When the local grievance is over governance, over who holds levers of control, then merely promising law and order, or building infrastructure, or enforcing security, is not enough.”
The sources said that this might have forced New Delhi to pause, rethink, and re-evaluate how far bureaucratic centralism can go without fuelling discontent.
If New Delhi has observed that these issues need to be addressed and not allowed to accumulate, then this may be a moment of reckoning for Kashmir’s elected leadership.
So, what might the “new thinking” translate into?
The sources said that, based on internal discussions in New Delhi, certain shifts are under consideration and may begin quietly.
They said that New Delhi is said to be considering giving CM Omar more autonomy over certain departments that have so far been tightly constrained by centrally-appointed bureaucrats and the LG’s office.
The sources said that departments like Information, Culture, and Health, including SKIMS, are being discussed for greater autonomy.
SKIMS has long been a touchstone, technically under J&K government control, but often constrained by red tape, central oversight, or political interference.
The sources said that its governance could be freed up, and appointments, finances, decisions over expansion, and partnerships could be given back to the state rather than being handled through central clearance.
They said New Delhi recognises that while law and order and security would always be core concerns in Kashmir, discontent is often rooted in departments outside these spheres, which include Agriculture, Power, Environment, Education, Tourism, Culture, and local infrastructure.
According to local politicians, there is a sense in J&K that the J&K government should be more fully in charge, with bureaucrats answerable to ministers, not always to the LG.
The sources said that the part of “changed thinking in New Delhi” is political, as it is about assuring the people of Kashmir that the government they elected is not a “rubber-stamp” and that their vote counts.
They said that New Delhi might allow more visible decision-making by the CM Omar-led government in media and public affairs (Information Department), so Kashmir’s own government becomes more front and centre, instead of being overshadowed by the LG’s pronouncements or centrally-mediated announcements.
The sources said that there are internal discussions on clarifying lines of accountability, including district and departmental, with IAS and JKAS officers having “dual reporting” to the LG or New Delhi, and the J&K government, but there may be shifts to ensure that for J&K-led priorities, they take direction from the local government.
But the change seems difficult.
Some of the constraints like strategic and security concerns, could limit devolution in certain sectors.
New Delhi’s concern over maintaining “national integrity” and managing external threats, both real and perceived, tends to push it toward retaining control over some departments.
In J&K, the bureaucratic inertia runs deep, with many senior IAS and JKAS officers, including DCs, used to central oversight.
In such a scenario, shifting reporting lines or authority could meet resistance.
Legal and constitutional frameworks, including orders made when J&K was reorganised, may need amendment or tweaking, and getting that through may require delicate negotiations.
If New Delhi were to give CM Omar “the longer rope” like more departmental control, more autonomy for institutions like SKIMS, more control over the Information Department, the consequences could include a bolstered legitimacy for the elected government, making it more responsive to local needs and possibly lowering political tension.
With more accountability and ministers having real decision-making power, voters can see who is responsible, and with an altered bureaucratic culture, shifting the locus of power might make district administrations more responsive to local political leadership.
The sources said that this incurs risks for New Delhi, like mismanagement or local political squabbles becoming statewide issues for which the blame for lapses, even in areas they have given up control over, might fall on it.
As of now, New Delhi has not formally announced these shifts in control, but sources said that these are in the works and have also been communicated to the LG’s office.
The sources said that many of these changes might be plausible next steps, but not yet documented as having been enacted.
If this dynamic continues, the trajectories worth watching are: Will the departments from the current system of the LG’s administration have a stronger say over budget or appointments in certain departments, or will the J&K government make decisions with minimal interference? Will institutional governance of SKIMS be legally guaranteed in its autonomy, perhaps via a special statute or state act? Will J&K get enhanced legislative power over departments traditionally under New Delhi’s control, consistent with strengthening the elected government’s role? Will there be legal or constitutional measures to clarify the reporting lines of DCs, IAS, and JKAS officers so that J&K government accountability is real, not just symbolic?
These developments can send a clear message to the people about who governs, who holds power, and how much control the people have over local governance.
In J&K, where the question of governance control has been debatable since 2019, the longer rope to the local government can send a message to the masses that the government control is nearer home, not as far as Delhi.
Will New Delhi follow through with concrete shifts toward giving CM Omar real, expanded control over departments beyond law and order remains to be seen.
But the conversation has changed.
For local democratic governance in J&K, that in itself may be an important victory.
