Melting subjectivity and shaping up of election discourse

Since early 1930s, Kashmir has been a narrative of mystification. With a difference that first and the last one has been modeled by the second generation narrative. This has caused its political ailment. The generation born prior to independence were singular in their subjectivity groomed by the political awakening in Kashmir that had emerged along with the National Movement. They were blended in their primary group existence.

The second generation, born around or soon after the independence were churned by the one sided discourse on partition, from across the border. Despite being benefited from the state education system and progressed in class mobility, Kashmir remained in the varnish of international politics. Gradually, a far wide new middle class that emerged in the valley with a section of it turning affluent, turned to the discourse of new international politics, which was construed by bipolarity during the Cold war.

The Cold war polemics and the power of mystification in the era of closed boundaries, instead of generating transformative politics, turned primordial. It divided Hindus and Muslims, brought in other social practices with the new interpretations to change the shared moral spaces.

These were otherwise unknown in Kashmir. Kashmiris had social distinctions, like rural urban linguistic variations, Sher-Bakra divisions and salient religious peculiarities, Shia and Suni. Similarly, among Hindus Maal Masi (lived) and Ban Masi (returned), ritual Brahmin and karkun, but these differences were overrun by shared interrelating moral spaces, common to all.

The grand Abdullah to his credit, despite making shifts, as an earnest transforming agency, changing from pro India stance during partition to apathetic to India after partition and then endorsing pro Indian position in 1975, at the closing years of active life, are the only settled memories people have about their dignity giving to him. He had laid a structural base to steer the masses as per his will. His shifts were his political compulsions of the Cold war politics that left behind a social legacy that was played in pieces by the next generation leadership. This plunged the happy valley into the era of darkness.

The new generation leadership in Kashmir was groomed under the religious-political mystification. It rejected its own native evolved referent and produced a blue print that witnessed the massive eruption of 1990s, a saga of huge suffering and displacements. It created the dividing lines between Hindus and Muslims. It ruined social cohesion, spoiled the moral space and exhibited new loyalties and affiliations. Since then, Kashmir studies have huge contesting and acquiescent literature for understanding the past.

It is demystifying the old narrative. The new subjectivity is in formation. That is based on individualistic welfare. Quite contrast to the mindset of its previous generation. The social media, digital information, multiple source of verification and visual live pictures have not only distanced younger generation from their elders, but also have generated many generation gaps. The baggage of mystification still lies heavy with the older generation, but for the new generation Pakistan stands stripped in its allure.

The current TV talk shows inside Pakistan and the newspaper commentaries all over the world have made the older generation in Kashmir dumb and answerless to respond the current happenings. While the new generation looks out for the possibilities, the older generation among Muslims and the Hindus are meeting their disillusionments. An average Kashmiri Muslim or Hindu knows it that Kashmir, if, at all has any lasting solution; it would be when the two native communities could live, each with dignity without fear of domination. That looks to be a distant cry.

Therefore, our generation past fifties are expressionlessness and dumbness writ large in our eyes. We are victims of our super nationalism in our different ways. The new generation is not bound by any ideology, devoid of any historical baggage. It has caused hiccups for the contestants in the election.

What is not being appreciated by the political commentators is that changing perceptions among the youth in the valley to substantial measure owes to the transformative events of recent history.  It has been prompted by the street peace, bourgeoning market, flourishing business and functionality of the institutions. It has produced an uncontaminated reflective mirror where generation gaps and generational subjectivities have become discernible. There is no illusion with the fresh voter.

The university going or the young person with a degree wants to live without fear, without any apprehension, with dignity to match the best in the country. The social and economic aspirations have dictated to the failed political discourse of yesteryears. Whereas the older generation has become unconnected and brooding, the youth looks beyond boundaries to build its individual life chances.

The political compass has shifted from ‘old out to the new inside’. The green handkerchief and stony salt symbolism has become redundant. The new subjectivity is to look towards India for political aspirations and economics. Indian pluralism and democratic rootedness have a message. No longer, it is undermined.

Undoubtedly, there could be good turnout for voting.  The flow of huge information about political and social instabilities in our neighborhoods do have bearings also on silent discourse in the election campaign. Despite lot of water flowing under the bridge, the political leadership of any party is not yet free from legacy of yesteryears.

It is still led by fragile politics. Its break from the past is a gradual process. It is happening in many forms. The meltdown of the old political subjectivity and reshaping of the new market mindset are experiencing permutations and combination. Amidst it, the settled memories of transformative politics have a role to play.  The 1977 free and fair election results might not be repeated in full, but could have substantial nearness.

Prof. Ashok Kaul, Emeritus Professor in Sociology, Banaras Hindu University