Bihar Election: Youth and State Capability

Elections in a participatory system, at any level, serve as a barometer to measure the opinions and perceptions of different sections of society. It is also a fact in electoral politics that immediate concerns tend to dominate political discourse and manifestos. In Bihar, issues of livelihood and employment have become particularly pressing at a time when the state has earned in many quarters the distinction of “first Republic in the world”. Data indicates that around 1.4 million young people are voting for the first time in the ongoing assembly elections, and no political party can afford to ignore these warning signs. The scene is in many ways reminiscent of “My Kashmir” where generations of my students are experiencing “frustrated freedom” due to declining opportunity structures.

The Bihar Scene

Bihari youth, wherever they are, are known for their industriousness, and any bad news about their unemployment leaves me profoundly disheartened. In Jammu and Kashmir—from civil servants to carpenters—they have made a mark in nearly every sphere of life. The popular saying “ek Bihari sab pe bhari” (“one Bihari outweighs all”) aptly reflects their determination and capability. When a Kashmiri-language newspaper was launched in Srinagar in 2008, someone in the audience sceptically asked who would read it. A local artist humorously replied, “If not Kashmiris, the Biharis in Kashmir will.”

In the ongoing Bihar elections, every political party has crafted its manifesto with youth at the centre. The contest is also notable for the presence of young leaders such as Tejashwi Yadav (35), Chirag Paswan (43), and Prashant Kishor (48), all of whom are acutely aware of the aspirations of young voters. Employment generation has emerged as the cornerstone of every party’s manifesto. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Nitish Kumar, promises to spur industrial development and create one crore jobs across sectors. The Mahagathbandhan, led by Tejashwi Yadav, pledges to provide one government job per household and a monthly stipend of ₹2,000–3,000 to unemployed youth. Similarly, Prashant Kishor repeatedly highlights issues of employment and migration in his campaign speeches. Young people aged 18–29 constitute a major segment of Bihar’s 74.2 million-strong electorate. Employment and employability thus remain the key concerns for both leaders and voters. A Bihari carpenter working in Kashmir told me recently “Youth toh sabse pehle rozgar chahta hai ore sab loug be. “The youth want jobs more than anything and all other people also”. In July 2025, hundreds of students protested and were reportedly beaten by police after demanding a domicile policy to reserve government jobs for native Biharis.

The key question, therefore, is that the Indian state must first and foremost take proactive measures before expecting other stakeholders to join in the task of job creation. This holds true not only for Bihar but for all states grappling with youth unemployment and livelihood crises.

Capability of the Indian State

T.V. Somnathan and Gulzar Natarajan, in their book State Capability in India, describe the Indian state as “people-thin and process-thick”—a paradox of being simultaneously too big and too small. The public sector’s share in total employment in India is just 5.77%, half that of Indonesia and China. India has about 1,600 central government employees per million citizens compared to 7,500 in the United States, making it one of the G20 countries with the lowest civil-servant-to-population ratios.

In Bihar, as in many other states, there are increasing reports of organized cheating, question paper leaks, and impersonation in public examinations. In December 2024, thousands of students and coaching-centre owners occupied Patna’s Gandhi Maidan to protest irregularities in the 70th Bihar Public Service Commission examination—protests that continued for three months. As a safety mechanism government has already enacted the Public Examination Prevention of Unfair Means Act in 2024. On a lighter note, one needs a pile of documents to start a business but very few to obtain a licensed weapon. The fact is that state appears to be caught in a “state incapacity trap”. Many political leaders and analysts have also criticized the government for the large number of vacancies across departments in different states which undermines institutional functioning. This holds true of Jammu and Kashmir as well. In Jammu and Kashmir, for example, Education Minister Sakina Yatoo recently informed the Assembly that the government had approved lifting the freeze on 50% of vacancies.

She acknowledged that the education sector was on the verge of collapse due to acute staff shortages, with health and education being the worst affected. In the remote region of Gurez, there is reportedly not a single science lecturer in eight higher secondary schools. Across 32 government departments, 2,960 gazetted and 14,993 non-gazetted posts remain vacant, including 7,285 in health and medical education alone.

While the Indian state must act proactively, other stakeholders also need to collaborate in capacity-building and job creation. From education to technology and agriculture, much must be done to build an architecture of hope and dignity for the country’s youth.

Education and Human Capital

Many experts argue that Bihar’s education system is broken and that youth unemployment stems from its structural weaknesses. Although governments have invested in schools and hospitals, they have often compromised on quality. Health and education were treated as employment sectors rather than as means of building human capital. A 2023 study by Patna University, academic Debjani Sarkar found that 55% of families sending their children to Patna’s coaching centres earn less than ₹50,000 a month, yet coaching fees range from ₹15,000 to ₹150,000 per year. According to World Bank data, Bihar remains India’s poorest state, with 35% of its population living below the poverty line.

However, the education scenario across India is far from ideal. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 emphasizes a student-centric approach, offering learners greater flexibility and choice. Yet, on the ground, implementation remains weak— “the more things change, the more they remain the same.” Genuine reform requires substantial academic autonomy. In New Zealand, academic freedom is constitutionally guaranteed, ensuring that staff and students can question established ideas and propose new or unpopular ones. In India, education must similarly shift from being curriculum-driven to creativity-driven. As is often said, “ideas are the new wealth.”

At the school level, initiatives like “Business Blaster Classes,” where students receive seed money to implement business ideas, can nurture innovation. Colleges in Kashmir could introduce papers on Natural Resource Management, while universities might offer courses like Srinagar Downtown Economy—the traditional hub of Kashmiri crafts. In today’s climate, employability—not degrees—should be the goal. The Indian state must think innovatively when selecting institutional leaders and avoid parochialism in higher education governance.

Welfare and Economic Inclusion

There is growing consensus among policy analysts that India must reconsider its welfare architecture and seriously explore the concept of Universal Basic Income (UBI). We face a Janus-faced economy in which the top 1% owns 40% of national wealth. In November 2023, the government extended free food grain distribution under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Yojana to 813.5 million beneficiaries. Rural employment under MGNREGA also rose by 11%. A UBI could transform the identity of poor Indians from mere consumers into empowered citizens. This will also be deterrent against freebies. The international trials of UBI in countries viz, Finland, Iran and Kenya are fairly encouraging. Whether UBI is fiscally viable is a matter of discussion and policy analysis.

Technology and the Future of Work

We must also examine the need to moderate automation to preserve jobs and the human touch. Technology is advancing faster than policy. Historically, every wave of technological development has raised concerns about employment prospects. The Fourth Industrial Revolution—characterized by artificial intelligence, automation, and the Internet of Things—is redefining the future of work. The Skill India Mission (launched in 2015) has not met expectations, offering short-term, inadequate training programs. A plumber, for instance, requires nearly five years of structured, experience-based training across multiple modules according to Plumber Association of India. The three months certificate course doesn’t improve his employability. The writing on the wall is that India’s demographic window is shrinking, and addressing youth challenges requires a “whole-of-nation” and “whole of the state” approach.

Professor Gull Wani, Kashmir-based Political Scientist