Abstractions in Kashmir History
The earliest literary evidence suggesting the presence of Muslims in Kashmir is found in the 12th-century Sanskrit poem–Rajatarangini. The poem indicates the presence of Muslim adventurers, fortune seekers and traders in the 8th-century Kashmir during the reign of King Vajraditya, the son of Lalitaditya Muktapida. Within the next three centuries (and more), Muslims were appointed as military commanders in the army of King Harsha (1088-1100 CE). By the time of King Sahadeva’s reign (1296 - 1315 CE), many people in Kashmir had already embraced Islam. This revelation challenges the commonly held misconception that Islam was “introduced” to Kashmir by Central-Asian Muslim missionaries.
Unlike the rest of the Indian subcontinent, in Kashmir, Islam did not emerge with an expansionist foreign army. Muslims did not acquire political power for almost six centuries after coming to Kashmir in the 8th century. What were they then doing for six hundred years? How did their actions bear upon the local Hindu population?
Historical accounts suggest that increased social interactions fostered interdependence between Hindus and Muslims of Kashmir. This is evidenced by the testament of 13th-century Venetian merchant Marco Polo, who witnessed Muslims serving as the butchers for the Kashmiri Brahmins. The interdependence between Hindus and Muslims of Kashmir and the consequent interactions positioned the religious ideologies of the two communities in day-to-day discourse. This resulted in the osmosis of the religious ideas within the two communities without strict delineation of religious laws.
15th century poet and the author of the Dvitīya Rajatarangini, Jonaraja, celebrates the rise of Buddhist king Rinchana (1320-1323 CE) to the throne as a respite from the political, social and economic instability during the reign of the last few Hindu kings of Kashmir. Rinchana’s ecclesiastical interest caused multiple debates on faith and religion. He invited people of different religions to deliberate on the merits of the true faith. That the king was able to foster such discussions alludes to the scholarly attitude of the deliberators towards religion in 14th-century Kashmir. These discussions and the influence of wandering saint Bulbul Shah and minister Shah Mir eventually resulted in Rinchana embracing Islam.
Thus, Kashmir got its first Muslim king, not through foreign aggression but due to thoughtful and critical interaction, evaluation, and eventual embracing of Islam. Therefore, Islam did not impress itself as a religion of foreign invading forces on the minds of local Hindus. Interestingly, according to historical accounts, it was the disposition and character of Rinchana as a judicious king that attracted people towards Islam. But why did being judicious interest people in embracing Islam?
Islam came to Kashmir when it was class-driven and economically polarized. The political and economic power acquired by the Damaras, deep class divisions and the miserably positioned peasants found the substance of Islam advocating for an egalitarian society. Furthermore, the rampant drinking and gambling had marred the moral fabric of the country. It is interesting to note that gambling is not an isolated act. It is a social activity impacting more than just the gambler. Often, the families of gamblers are at risk of going broke or in perpetual debt. The ban on gambling in Islam signified economic security for the entire family of a gambler. Therefore, it was the substance of Islam that made inroads into Kashmiri families rather than its missionary aspects.
For women, Islam came as a respite from Sati and life-long widowhood. It further placed women on an elevated economic and social pedestal by giving them the right to inheritance and property, allowing them to have a monetary backup (Mahr) and empowering them with the right to ask for a divorce.
Inter-community relations between the local Hindu population and the new converts were not defined exclusively in religious terms. The hospice donated by King Rinchana to Bulbul Shah served as a centre of religious discussions while also featuring a secular community kitchen (langar). Thus, Islam interacted with the local Hindu population as a religion of service, in the process not invoking the local resentment against the “foreign” religion. Interactions with the locals and the spirit of service helped Bulbul Shah attract ten thousand people towards Islam. Reshi Sheikh Nur-ud-Din (1377-1438 CE) introduced a different facet of Islam, prioritizing the purification of the soul over performative rituals. Such an approach made Islam more accessible to the local people and easy for the new converts to follow.
By the time of the reign of Sultan Zain-ul-Abideen (1420-1470 CE), religious texts started pouring into Kashmir directly from Makkah. A person named ‘Sadaula’ is recorded by Jonaraja to have visited the king’s court with some Islamic books, denoting the growing demand for religious information and understanding among the Kashmiris.
Inter-community relations between the Hindus and Muslims remained chiefly coherent, as indicated by the mutuality of ideas, shrines, customs and saints between the two communities. They would celebrate specific festivals, visit saints, offer prayers at a shrine or perform rituals in a way that was not necessarily Hindu or Islamic in nature. A term often used locally to indicate such practices is Milchaar.
That the inter-community relations between the Hindus and Muslims in Kashmir continued to stay coherent could be determined by the continuation of Kashmiri Brahmins in administrative, economic and political positions, the continuation of Sanskrit as the administrative language and the absence of outbreak or even incidents of communally driven violent engagements between the two communities. What further reinforced inter-community coherence was the dependency on the same language, culture, race, customs, dress, histories and even stories, anecdotes, songs, musical instruments, and food, among other mutualities.
The local customs not permitted in Islam were not shunned altogether. Interestingly, incidents of Ulemas, Sayyids and Qadis (Muslims of religious authority) participating in the festivals and customs of Hindus are filled within the contemporary sources of the Muslim era. This version of Islam, when encountered by the Mughals, was labelled as that of ‘heretics’, and the Muslims of Kashmir called a ‘band of infidels’.
However, this does not mean Islam was not quizzed on its philosophical merits. As could be evidenced from the account of Jonaraja, the practices of the Muslims, such as burying the dead and laying a stone on the grave, among other practices, incited ideological wrestling among individuals. Such debates continue to shape the changing perceptions towards Islam in the modern world.
The accommodating nature of the Sufis and Reshis resulted in the evolution of a unique form of Islam that invited compromise. Thus, the general character of an ordinary Kashmiri (irrespective of religion) turned out to be tolerant. Consequently, the relations shared by the ordinary Hindus and Muslims of Kashmir turned out to be chiefly amicable, accepting, tolerant, sympathetic and human. This relationship continues to be shared by the two communities in times of celebration and grief.
Moin S. Hakak, Research Scholar, Department of International Relations, Political Science and History, CHRIST University, Bangalore
